Delphi complete works of.., p.360
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius, page 360
XXVII
In the meantime the Romans were busying themselves as follows: They made a tunnel from the city underneath the enemy’s embankment, commanding the diggers not to leave this work until they should get under the middle of the hill. By this means they were planning to burn the embankment. But as the tunnel advanced to about the middle of the hill, a sound of blows, as it were, came to the ears of those Persians who were standing above. And perceiving what was being done, they too began from above and dug on both sides of the middle, so that they might catch the Romans who were doing the damage there. But the Romans found it out and abandoned this attempt, throwing earth into the place which had been hollowed out, and then began to work on the lower part of the embankment at the end which was next to the wall, and by taking out timbers and stones and earth they made an open space just like a chamber; then they threw in there dry trunks of trees of the kind which burn most easily, and saturated them with oil of cedar and added quantities of sulphur and bitumen. So, then, they were keeping these things in readiness; and meanwhile the Persian commanders in frequent meetings with Martinus were carrying on conversations with him in the same strain as the one I have mentioned, making it appear that they would receive proposals in regard to peace. But when at last their hill had been completed, and had been raised to a great elevation, approaching the circuit-wall of the city and rising far above it in height, then they sent Martinus away, definitely refusing to arrange the treaty, and they intended from then on to devote themselves to active warfare.
Accordingly the Romans straightway set fire to the tree-trunks which had been prepared for this purpose. But when the fire had burned only a certain portion of the embankment, and had not yet been able to penetrate through the whole mass, the wood was already entirely exhausted. But they kept throwing fresh wood into the pit, not slackening their efforts for a moment. And when the fire was already active throughout the whole embankment, some smoke appeared at night rising from every part of the hill, and the Romans, who were not yet willing to let the Persians know what was being done, resorted to the following device: They filled small pots with coals and fire and threw these and also ignited arrows in great numbers to all parts of the embankment. And the Persians who were keeping guard there, began to go about in great haste and extinguish these, and they supposed that the smoke arose from them. But since the trouble increased, the barbarians rushed up to help in great numbers, and the Romans, shooting them from the wall, killed many. And Chosroes too came there about sunrise, followed by the greater part of the army, and, upon mounting the hill, he first perceived what the trouble was. For he disclosed the fact that the cause of the smoke was underneath, not in the missiles which the enemy were hurling, and he ordered the whole army to come to the rescue with all speed. And the Romans, taking courage, began to insult them, while the barbarians were at work, some throwing on earth, and others water, where the smoke appeared, hoping thus to get the better of the trouble; however, they were absolutely unable to accomplish anything. For where the earth was thrown on, the smoke, as was natural, was checked at that place, but not long afterwards it rose from another place, since the fire compelled it to force its way out wherever it could. And where the water fell most plentifully it only succeeded in making the bitumen and the sulphur much more active, and caused them to exert their full force upon the wood near by; and it constantly drove the fire forward, since the water could not penetrate inside the embankment in a quantity at all sufficient to extinguish the flame by its abundance. And in the late afternoon the smoke became so great in volume that it was visible to the inhabitants of Carrhae and to some others who dwelt far beyond them. And since a great number of Persians and of Romans had gone up on top of the embankment, a fight took place and a hand-to-hand struggle to drive each other off, and the Romans were victorious. Then even the flames rose and appeared clearly above the embankment, and the Persians abandoned this undertaking.
On the sixth day after this, at early dawn, they made an assault secretly upon a certain part of the circuit-wall with ladders, at the point which is called the Fort. And since the Romans who were keeping guard there were sleeping a quiet, peaceful sleep, as the night was drawing to its close, they silently set the ladders against the wall and were already ascending. But one of the rustics alone among the Romans happened to be awake, and he with a shout and a great noise began to rouse them all. And a hard struggle ensued in which the Persians were worsted, and they retired to their camp, leaving the ladders where they were; these the Romans drew up at their leisure. But Chosroes about midday sent a large part of the army against the so-called Great Gate in order to storm the wall. And the Romans went out and confronted them, not only soldiers, but even rustics and some of the populace, and they conquered the barbarians in battle decisively and turned them to flight. And while the Persians were still being pursued, Paulus, the interpreter, came from Chosroes, and going into the midst of the Romans, he reported that Rhecinarius had come from Byzantium to arrange the peace; and thus the two armies separated. Now it was already some days since Rhecinarius had arrived at the camp of the barbarians. But the Persians had by no means disclosed this fact to the Romans, plainly awaiting the outcome of the attempts upon the wall which they had planned, in order that, if they should be able to capture it, they might seem in no way to be violating the treaty, while if defeated, as actually happened, they might draw up the treaty at the invitation of the Romans. And when Rhecinarius had gone inside the gates, the Persians demanded that those who were to arrange the peace should come to Chosroes without any delay, but the Romans said that envoys would be sent three days later; for that just at the moment their general, Martinus, was unwell.
And Chosroes, suspecting that the reason was not a sound one, prepared for battle. And at that time he only threw a great mass of bricks upon the embankment; but two days later he came against the fortifications of the city with the whole army to storm the wall. And at every gate he stationed some of the commanders and a part of the army, encircling the whole wall in this way, and he brought up ladders and war-engines against it. And in the rear he placed all the Saracens with some of the Persians, not in order to assault the wall, but in order that, when the city was captured, they might gather in the fugitives and catch them as in a drag-net. Such, then, was the purpose of Chosroes in arranging the army in this way. And the fighting began early in the morning, and at first the Persians had the advantage. For they were in great numbers and fighting against a very small force, since the most of the Romans had not heard what was going on and were utterly unprepared. But as the conflict advanced the city became full of confusion and tumult, and the whole population, even women and little children, were going up on to the wall. Now those who were of military age together with the soldiers were repelling the enemy most vigorously, and many of the rustics made a remarkable shew of valorous deeds against the barbarians. Meanwhile the women and children, and the aged also, were gathering stones for the fighters and assisting them in other ways. Some also filled numerous basins with olive-oil, and after heating them over fire a sufficient time everywhere along the wall, they sprinkled the oil, while boiling fiercely, upon the enemy who were assailing the wall, using a sort of whisk for the purpose, and in this way harassed them still more. The Persians, therefore, soon gave up and began to throw down their arms, and coming before the king, said that they were no longer able to hold out in the struggle. But Chosroes, in a passion of anger, drove them all on with threats and urged them forward against the enemy. And the soldiers with much shouting and tumult brought up the towers and the other engines of war to the wall and set the ladders against it, in order to capture the city with one grand rush. But since the Romans were hurling great numbers of missiles and exerting all their strength to drive them off, the barbarians were turned back by force; and as Chosroes withdrew, the Romans taunted him, inviting him to come and storm the wall. Only Azarethes at the so-called Soinian Gate was still fighting with his men, at the place which they call Tripurgia. And since the Romans at this point were not a match for them, but were giving way before their assaults, already the outer wall, which they call an outwork, had been torn down by the barbarians in many places, and they were pressing most vigorously upon those who were defending themselves from the great circuit-wall; but at last Peranius with a large number of soldiers and some of the citizens went out against them and defeated them in battle and drove them off. And the assault which had begun early in the morning ended in the late afternoon, and both sides remained quiet that night, the Persians fearing for their defences and for themselves, and the Romans gathering stones and taking them to the parapets and putting everything else in complete readiness, so as to fight against the enemy on the morrow when they should attack the wall. Now on the succeeding day not one of the barbarians came against the fortifications; but on the day after that a portion of the army, urged on by Chosroes, made an assault upon the so-called Gate of Barlaus; but the Romans sallied forth and confronted them, and the Persians were decisively beaten in the engagement, and after a short time retired to the camp. And then Paulus, the interpreter of the Persians, came along by the wall and called for Martinus, in order that he might make the arrangements for the truce. Thus Martinus came to conference with the commanders of the Persians, and they concluded an agreement, by which Chosroes received five centenaria from the inhabitants of Edessa, and left them, in writing, the promise not to inflict any further injury upon the Romans; then, after setting fire to all his defences, he returned homeward with his whole army.
Ὑπὸ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ῥωμαίων τετελευτήκασι στρατηγοὶ δύο, Ἰοῦστός τε ὁ βασιλέως ἀνεψιὸς καὶ Περάνιος ὁ Ἴβηρ, Ἰοῦστος μὲν νόσῳ διαφθαρείς, Περανίῳ δὲ συνέβη ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ τοῦ ἵππου ἐκπεπτωκότι διαρραγῆναι. [2] διὸ δὴ ἀντ̓ αὐτῶν βασιλεὺς ἑτέρους καταστησάμενος ἔπεμψε Μάρκελλόν τε, τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν τὸν αὑτοῦ ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, καὶ Κωνσταντιανόν, ὃς δὴ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἅμα Σεργίῳ παρὰ Χοσρόην πρεσβεύων ἐστάλη. [3] ἔπειτα δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς πρέσβεις παρὰ Χοσρόην ἐπὶ τῇ ξυμβάσει Κωνσταντιανόν τε καὶ Σέργιον ἔπεμψεν. [4] οἱ δὲ αὐτὸν καταλαμβάνουσιν ἐν Ἀσσυρίοις, οὗ δὴ πολίσματα δύο Σελεύκειά τε καὶ Κτησιφῶν ἐστι, Μακεδόνων αὐτὰ δειμαμένων οἳ μετὰ τὸν Φιλίππου Ἀλέξανδρον Περσῶν τε ἦρξαν καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ ἐθνῶν. [5] ἄμφω δὲ ταῦτα Τίγρης ποταμὸς διορίζει: οὐ γὰρ ἄλλην χώραν μεταξὺ ἔχουσιν. [6] ἐνταῦθα ἐντυχόντες Χοσρόῃ οἱ πρέσβεις ἠξίουν μὲν τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς Λαζικῆς χωρία Ῥωμαίοις ἀποδοῦναι, βεβαιότατα δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ κρατύνασθαι. [7] Χοσρόης δὲ οὐ ῥᾴδιον αὐτοὺς ἔφασκεν εἶναι ἀλλήλοις ξυμβῆναι, ἢν μή τινα ἐκεχειρίαν θέμενοι πρότερον οὕτω τε ἀδεέστερον ἀεὶ ἐς ἀλλήλους φοιτῶντες τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν θήσονται. [8] χρῆναι δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀεὶ ἐκεχειρίας χρήματά τέ οἱ τὸν Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορα δοῦναι καί τινα Τριβοῦνον ὄνομα ἰατρὸν πέμψαι, ἐφ̓ ᾧ οἱ ξυνδιατρίψει τακτόν τινα χρόνον. [9] ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ὁ ἰατρὸς οὗτος νόσου τε αὐτὸν ἀπαλλάξας χαλεπῆς πρότερον καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ φίλος τε καὶ ποθεινὸς ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ὤν. [10] ταῦτα ἐπεὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἤκουσε, τόν τε Τριβοῦνον καὶ τὰ χρήματα εὐθὺς ἔπεμψε ξυνιόντα ἐς κεντηνάρια εἴκοσιν. [11] οὕτω τε αἱ σπονδαὶ γεγόνασι Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις ἐς ἐνιαυτοὺς πέντε, δέκατόν τε καὶ ἔνατον ἔτος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος. [12] Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀρέθας τε καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος, οἱ τῶν Σαρακῃνῶν ἄρχοντες, πόλεμον πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ μόνας διέφερον, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων οὔτε Περσῶν ἀμυνόντων σφίσι. [13] καὶ Ἀλαμούνδαρος μὲν ἕνα τῶν Ἀρέθα παίδων ἵππους νέμοντα ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἑλὼν τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ εὐθὺς ἔθυσε, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐγνώσθη οὐ καταπροΐεσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα Πέρσαις Ἀρέθαν. [14] μετὰ δὲ ξυνίασι μὲν ἐς μάχην ἑκάτεροι παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ, νικῶσι δὲ κατὰ κράτος οἱ ξὺν τῷ Ἀρέθᾳ, τρεψάμενοί τε τοὺς πολεμίους πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. καὶ παῤ ὀλίγον Ἀρέθας ἦλθε δύο τῶν Ἀλαμουνδάρου παίδων ζῶντας ἑλεῖν, οὐ μέντοι γε εἷλε. τὰ μὲν οὖν Σαρακηνῶν ταύτῃ πη εἶχεν. [15] Χοσρόης δέ, ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, ἔνδηλος γέγονε τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν νῷ δολερῷ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πεποιημένος, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ αὐτοὺς διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀναπεπτωκότας λαβὼν ἀνήκεστόν τι ἐργάσεται. [16] τρίτῳ γὰρ τῆς ἐκεχειρίας ἐνιαυτῷ μηχανᾶται τοιάδε: ἤστην ἐν Πέρσαις ἀδελφοὶ δύο, Φάβριζός τε καὶ Ἰσδιγούσνας, ἀρχὰς μὲν περιβεβλημένω ἐνταῦθα μεγίστας καὶ ἄλλως λογισμῷ πονηροτάτω Περσῶν ἁπάντων καὶ δόξαν ἐπὶ τῇ δεινότητι καὶ κακοτροπίᾳ πολλὴν ἔχοντε. [17] βουλευσάμενος οὖν πόλιν Δάρας καταλαβεῖν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καὶ Λαζικῆς ἐξοικίσαι Κόλχους ἅπαντας, Πέρσας δὲ ἀντ̓ αὐτῶν οἰκήτορας καταστήσασθαι, τὼ ἄνδρε τούτω ἐς ἄμφω τὰ ἔργα ὑπηρετήσοντας εἵλετο: [18] ἕρμαιον γὰρ καὶ λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον ἐφαίνετο εἶναι γῆν τὴν Κολχίδα σφετερισαμένῳ ἐν τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς κτήσεως ἔχειν, ξύμφορον λογισαμένῳ τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ κατὰ πολλὰ ἔσεσθαι τοῦτό γε. [19] τήν τε γὰρ Ἰβηρίαν ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἕξειν, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ἐχόντων Ἰβήρων ἐφ̓ οὕστινας ἀνθρώπων ἀποστάντες σωθήσονται: [20] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἱ τούτων δὴ λογιμώτατοι τῶν βαρβάρων ὁμοῦ Γουργένῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐς ἀπόστασιν εἶδον, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθε λόγοις ἐρρήθη, οὔτε βασιλέα σφίσι καταστήσεσθαι τὸ ἐνθένδε ξυνεχώρουν Πέρσαι οὔτε αὐτογνωμονοῦντες Περσῶν κατήκοοι Ἴβηρες ἦσαν, ἀλλ̓ ὑποψίᾳ τε καὶ ἀπιστίᾳ ἐς ἀλλήλους πολλῇ εἴχοντο. [21] ἔνδηλοί τε Ἴβηρες ἦσαν δυσανασχετοῦντές τε ἰσχυρότατα καὶ νεωτεριοῦντες οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον, ἤν τινός ποτε καιροῦ λαβέσθαι δυνατοὶ εἶεν. [22] καὶ πρὸς Οὔννων τῶν Λαζικῇ προσοίκων ἀδῄωτον μὲν τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι, ῥᾷον δὲ καὶ ἀπονώτερον αὐτοὺς τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ ἐπιπέμψειν, ἡνίκα ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη: οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν τοῖς ἐν Καυκάσῳ οἰκοῦσι βαρβάροις ἢ ἐπιτείχισμα Λαζικὴν εἶναι. [23] μάλιστα δὲ πάντων κατὰ τοῦτο ξυνοίσειν πρὸς Λαζικῆς ἐπικράτησιν ἤλπιζε Πέρσαις, ὅτι δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁρμώμενοι δυνήσονται οὐδενὶ πόνῳ καταθέοντες καὶ πεζῇ καὶ ναυσὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνου καλουμένου πόντου χωρία Καππαδόκας μὲν καὶ τοὺς αὐτῶν ἐχομένους Γαλάτας καὶ Βιθυνοὺς παραστήσεσθαι, ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς δὲ Βυζαντίους αἱρήσειν, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος. [24] τούτων μὲν δὴ ἕνεκα προσποιεῖσθαι Χοσρόης Λαζικὴν ἤθελεν, ἐπὶ Λαζοῖς δὲ τὸ θαρσεῖν ὡς ἥκιστα εἶχεν. [25] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐκ τῆς Λαζικῆς ἀνεχώρησαν, Λαζῶν τὸ πλῆθος τῇ Περσῶν ἀρχῇ ἐπιεικῶς ἤχθετο. μονότροποι γάρ, εἴπερ ἄλλοι τινές, οἱ Πέρσαι εἰσὶ καὶ τὰ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπεράγαν σκληροί. [26] καὶ αὐτοῖς οἵ τε νόμοι δυσπρόσοδοί εἰσι πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὰ ἐπιτάγματα οὐδαμῆ ἀνεκτά. πρὸς μέντοι Λαζοὺς καὶ διαφερόντως τὸ διαλλάσσον τῆς τε γνώμης ἀεὶ καὶ τῆς διαίτης παρὰ πολὺ διαφαίνεται, ἐπεὶ Λαζοὶ μὲν Χριστιανοί εἰσι πάντων μάλιστα, Πέρσαις δὲ ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας αὐτῶν τὰ ἐς τὸ θεῖον ἅπαντα ἔχει. [27] χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἅλες μὲν τῆς Λαζικῆς οὐδαμῆ γίνονται, οὐ μὴν οὔτε σῖτος οὔτε οἶνος οὔτε τι ἄλλο ἀγαθὸν φύεται. [28] ἐκ δὲ Ῥωμαίων τῶν παραλίων ἅπαντα ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπεισέρχεται σφίσι, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ χρυσίον τοῖς συμβάλλουσι προϊεμένοις, ἀλλὰ δέρρεις τε καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐνταῦθα κατὰ πολὺ περιεῖναι ξυμβαίνει. [29] τούτου τε, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀποκεκλεισμένοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἤσχαλλον. ὧν δὴ ὁ Χοσρόης αἰσθόμενος προτερῆσαι ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ, πρίν τι ἐς αὐτὸν νεωτερίσειαν, ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. [30] καί οἱ βουλευομένῳ ξυμφορώτατον ἔδοξεν εἶναι Γουβάζην τὸν Λαζῶν βασιλέα ἐκποδὼν ὅτι τάχιστα ποιησαμένῳ Λαζοὺς ἐνθένδε πανδημεὶ ἀναστήσειν, οὕτω τε Πέρσας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα ἔθνη ξυνοικιεῖν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ. [31] Ταῦτα ὁ Χοσρόης βεβουλευμένος Ἰσδιγούσναν ὡς ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ δῆθεν τῷ λόγῳ ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλει, καί οἱ Περσῶν ἀριστίνδην ἀπολεξάμενος πεντακοσίους ξυνέπεμψεν, ἐπιστείλας σφίσι γενέσθαι μὲν ἐν πόλει Δάρας, ἐν οἰκίαις δὲ καταλῦσαι πολλαῖς, ταύτας τε νύκτωρ ἁπάσας ἐμπρῆσαι, καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀμφὶ τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο ἠσχολημένων, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἁπάντων ἀνοιγνύναι μὲν τὰς πύλας εὐθύς, τῇ δὲ πόλει τὸ ἄλλο Περσῶν στράτευμα δέξασθαι. [32] προείρητο γὰρ τῷ Νισίβιδος πόλεως ἄρχοντι στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος ἄγχιστά πη ἐγκρυφιάζοντι ἐν παρασκευῇ ἔχειν. οὕτω γὰρ αὐτοὺς ᾤετο Χοσρόης οὐδενὶ πόνῳ Ῥωμαίους τε ἅπαντας διαχρήσεσθαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν Δάρας ἐν βεβαίῳ καταλαβόντας σχήσειν. [33] ἀλλά τις εὖ εἰδὼς τά πρασσόμενα, Ῥωμαῖος μὲν ἀνήρ, αὐτόμολος δὲ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἐς Πέρσας ἥκων, τὸν πάντα λόγον Γεωργίῳ φράζει, ἐνταῦθα τότε διατριβὴν ἔχοντι, οὗ δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, ἅτε Περσῶν ἀναπείσαντος τοὺς ἐν τῷ Σισαυράνων πολιορκουμένους φρουρίῳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐνδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις. [34] Γεώργιος οὖν ἐν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν ὁρίοις ἀπαντήσας τῷ πρεσβευτῇ τούτῳ ἔφασκεν οὐ κατὰ πρεσβείαν τὰ ποιούμενα εἶναι, καὶ οὔ ποτε Πέρσας τοσούτους τὸ πλῆθος ἐν πόλει Ῥωμαίων αὐλίσασθαι. [35] χρῆν γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀμμώδιος ἀπολιπεῖν, αὐτῷ δὲ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν ἐς πόλιν Δάρας ἐσιτητὰ εἶναι. [36] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἰσδιγούσνας ἠγανάκτει τε καὶ δυσφορουμένῳ ἐῴκει, ἅτε περιυβρισμένος οὐ δέον, καίπερ ἐπὶ πρεσβείᾳ παρὰ τὸν Ῥωμαίων βασιλέα στελλόμενος. [37] Γεώργιος δέ οἱ οὐ προσέχων τὸν νοῦν ἠγριωμένῳ διεσώσατο τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίοις. ξὺν γὰρ ἀνδράσιν εἴκοσι μόνοις τῇ πόλει τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν ἐδέξατο. [38] Ταύτης οὖν τῆς πείρας ἀποτυχὼν ὁ βάρβαρος οὗτος ὡς πρεσβεύων ἐς Βυζάντιον ἦλθε, τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ θυγατέρας ἐπαγόμενος δύο ῾τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ παραπέτασμα τοῦ ξυνεληλυθότος ὁμίλοὐ, τῷ τε βασιλεῖ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων ἀμφὶ μὲν τῶν σπουδαίων τινὶ οὐ μέγα οὐ μικρὸν ἴσχυσεν εἰπεῖν, καίπερ οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ μῆνας δέκα κατατρίψας ἐν Ῥωμαίων τῇ γῇ. [39] τὰ μέντοι δῶρα παρὰ Χοσρόου, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, καὶ γράμματα βασιλεῖ ἔδωκε, δἰ ὧν ὁ Χοσρόης Ἰουστινιανὸν βασιλέα σημῆναι ἠξίου εἴ οἱ τὸ σῶμα ὑγιείας πέρι ὡς ἄριστα ἔχοι. [40] τοῦτον μέντοι τὸν Ἰσδιγούσναν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς μάλιστα πρέσβεων ἁπάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν ξύν τε πολλῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ εἶδε καὶ διὰ τιμῆς ἱκανῶς ἤγαγεν. [41] ὥστε καὶ ἡνίκα δὴ αὐτὸν ἑστιῴη, Βραδούκιον, ὅσπερ αὐτῷ ἑρμηνεὺς εἵπετο, ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος κατέκλινε, πρᾶγμα πώποτε οὐ γεγονὸς πρότερον ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς χρόνου. [42] ἑρμηνέα γὰρ οὐδὲ τῶν τινι καταδεεστέρων ἀρχόντων, μή τί γε δὴ βασιλεῖ ὁμοτράπεζον γεγονότα οὐδείς ποτε εἶδεν. [43] ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστερον ἢ κατὰ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἐδέξατό τε καὶ ἀπεπέμψατο, καίπερ ἐπ̓ οὐδενὶ ἔργῳ τὴν πρεσβείαν, [44] ὥσπερ μοι εἴρηται, πεποιημένον. ἢν γάρ τις τάς τε δαπάνας διαριθμήσαιτο καὶ τὰ δῶρα ὅσα ἐνθένδε κεκομισμένος Ἰσδιγούσνας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, πλέον αὐτὰ κατατείνοντα ἢ ἐς χρυσοῦ κεντηνάρια δέκα εὑρήσει. τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἐς Δάρας πόλιν ἐπιβουλῆς τῷ Χοσρόῃ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα.
