Emperor leo iii the isau.., p.43
Emperor Leo III the Isaurian, page 43
49. Chr. 1234 159.
50. Chr. 1234 158.
51. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
52. Tabari XXIV.1317.
53. Chr. 1234 158.
54. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 23.
55. Chr. 1234 158; cf. Tabari XXIV.1317.
56. Chr. 1234 159.
57. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
58. At this point in his text (Chron. AM6209), Theophanes is clearly copying from another source as he would never call Leo III, the man who by the early-ninth century when Theophanes was writing, was considered the originator of iconoclasm, ‘the pious emperor’ who gained God’s help against the Arabs…
59. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; cf. Nikephoros, Brev. 54.
60. Howard-Johnston (2011), 510.
61. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; cf. Nikephoros, Brev. 54.3–18.
62. There are numerous dates given for Sulayman’s death: 20 September (Elias of Nisibis 77.26–27); 22 September (mentioned by Tabari XIV.1336); 1 October (Tabari XIV.1336 citing Hisham Abu Mikhnaf and Ahmad b. Thabit); 8 October (Theophanes, Chron. AM6209); Chr. 819 11 and Chr. 846 177 merely mention September, while Michael the Syrian II.485 and Chr. 1234 238.21–25 do not mention a day or month (cf. Mango and Scott (1997) 547).
63. Dols (1974), 379.
64. Tabari XIV.1341.
65. Bosworth (1972).
66. Tabari XIV.1341.
67. Tabari XIV.1341.
68. Shaban (1971) 130.
69. Ibn Asakir, Tarikh Dimashq (Tritton, MacKenzie and Derrett (1959), 350–352 on a manuscript, Or. 9052 f.18r, in the British Museum).
70. Grumel (1958).
71. Tabari XXIV.1317 on the Slavs tricking reinforcements sent by Sulayman under Mas’adah or Amr b. Qais.
72. Chr. 1234 157.
73. There are some chronological issues with these sources, with the Kitab al-Uyun having Leo not present in Constantinople at the outset of the siege, while Tabari XIV.1316 has the following diplomatic contact take place just before the siege began.
74. Tabari XXIV.1316.
75. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 23).
76. Tabari XXIV.1316.
77. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 25).
78. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 26).
79. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 26).
80. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 27).
81. The relevant synaxarion appears in various forms in the Vindo. Hist. gr., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitae and the Menologion of Basil II; cf. Olsen (2020).
82. Constantine VII, de adm. imp. 102.
83. Lewond, History 112–113; Stephanos of Taron (Greenwood (2017), 192).
84. Constantine VII, de adm. imp. 101–102.
85. Hasluck (1929), II.720.
86. Hasluck (1929), II.717–735; El-Cheikh (2004) 64.
87. Olsen (2020) 439.
88. Chiu-t’ang-shu 198; there are similar records of this embassy in the Hsin-t’ang-shu 221 and Ma Tuan-lin, Wen-hsien-t’ung-k’ao 330, but both of these are more recent than the mid-tenth century Chiu-t’ang-shu, and likely derive their information from it; cf. Hirth (1885), 35–96.
89. Dunlop (1954), 60–61; Artamonov (1962), 205.
90. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; Nikephoros, Brev. 54.
91. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 28) had Sulayman as the caliph who could not resupply Maslamah in the winter of 717/718, but he was dead before then. It will have been Umar II who would have tried and failed to resupply the expedition at this point.
92. Tabari XXIV.1316; cf. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899) 29); Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; Nikephoros, Brev. 54.
93. Michael the Syrian II.485
94. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899) 29).
95. Michael the Syrian II.485.
96. Tabari XXIV.1317; cf. Chr. 1234 160.
97. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
98. Severus b. al-Muqatta III.16.
99. John of Nikiu CXX.32.
100. Michael the Syrian II.485.
101. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; Nikephoros, Brev. 54.
102. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; Nikephoros, Brev. 54.
103. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
104. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
105. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
106. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; cf. Tabari XXIV.1317; Chr. 1234 160.
107. Chron. 1234 162.
108. Chron. 1234 162.
109. Chron. 1234 162; cf. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 29.
110. Chronicle of Zuqnin AG1028.
111. Chron. 1234 162.
112. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 29).
113. Chronicle of Zuqnin AG1028.
114. Nikephoros, Brev. 56; Chronicle of Zuqnin 13; Michael the Syrian II.486; Chr. 1234 239.1–3.
115. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210; cf. Germanos, Hom. (Grumel (1958), 197).
116. Nikephoros, Brev. 56; Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
117. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
118. Haldon (1990), 83.
119. Haldon (2016), 1.
120. Kitab al-Uyun (Brooks (1899), 24).
121. Christides in Bumazhnov et al. (2011), 519.
122. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
123. Turner (1990), 420.
124. Turner (1990), 420–421; Grumel (1958), on Germanos, Hom.
125. Howard-Johnston (2011), 512.
126. Kaegi (1981), 225.
127. Howard-Johnston (2011), 462.
128. Brubaker (2012), 25.
129. Haldon (2016), 55.
130. Howard-Johnston (2011), 392; Borrut (2005), 329–378; that focus on religious policy within the Umayyad caliphate was also said to have affected that within the Roman Empire.
131. El-Cheikh (2004), 65–70; Brandes (2007), 65–91.
132. Howard-Johnston (2011), 510–512 on the changing Roman strategies and tactics under Leo III and others.
Chapter 7: Internal Enemies: The Rebellions Against Leo III
1. Theophanes, Chron. AM6211.
2. Theophanes, Chron. AM6207.
3. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209.
4. Nikephoros, Brev. 56.
5. cf. Theophanes, Chron. AM6209; Jones (1964), 304, 372.
6. Theophanes, Chron. AM6211.
7. Nikephoros, Brev. 58; Theophanes, Chron. AM6212 merely states that it took place on Easter Day, without giving a specific date.
8. Grumel (1958), 248.
9. Theophanes, Chron. AM6213 also has a rebellion in Syria in 720/721 under a certain Severus, who convinced some Jews that he was the Messiah.
10. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210; Nikephoros, Brev. 55.
11. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
12. Nikephoros, Brev. 55; Brown (1984), 65 on this being Paul, the later exarch of Ravenna.
13. While Theophanes, Chron. AM6210 suggests that becoming patrician was part of Paul’s promotion at this point, Nikephoros, Brev. 55 seems to suggest that Paul was already a patrician.
14. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
15. Nikephoros, Brev. 55.
16. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
17. Theophanes, Chron. AM6211 dates it to ‘the same year’ as the baptism of the future Constantine V, which took place on Christmas Day 718, although this ‘same year’ is likely the Byzantine indiction year of 718/719, placing Anastasius’ attempted return more likely at some point in 719 before 1 September.
18. Mango and Scott (1997), 553 n.8.
19. Nikephoros, Brev. 57; cf. Cankova-Petkova (1963), 41–53; Kaegi (1981), 211–212; Besevliev (1980), 201–202.
20. Ahrweiler (1966), 28–29.
21. Charanis (1970), 243–244.
22. There is some dispute over which walls Niketas Anthrax was commander of, with this being the first mention of the office. Croke (1982) rejects the suggestion of Bury (1911) 67–68 that it was the Anastasian Walls, while Oikonomides (1972) 336–337 and Haldon (1984) 265f. suggest that Anthrax commanded the walls of the imperial palace; cf. Mango and Scott (1997), 553 n.12.
23. Kaegi (1981), 212.
24. Canokova-Petkova (1963), 41–53.
25. Theophanes, Chron. AM6211.
26. Theophanes, Chron. AM6211.
27. Mango and Scott (1997), 553 n.8.
28. Grierson (1962), 52.
29. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218; cf. Nikephoros, Brev. 60.
30. Treadgold (1995), 26.
31. Treadgold (1995), 67–68 suggests 2,000 soldiers/marines to 6,500 oarsmen.
32. https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.667; https://harvardartmuseums.org/collections/object/72528; Nesbitt and Oikonomides (1994), 110–112.
33. cf. Zuckerman (2005), 111–119; Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 725–726 n.4.
34. Treadgold (1997), 352.
35. Theophanes, Chron. AM6187.
36. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
37. Nikephoros, Brev. 60.
38. Nikephoros, Brev. 60.
39. Patria III.133.
40. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
41. Theophanes, Chron. AM6229; Michael the Syrian II. 503–504; Chr. 1234, 242.22–243.21; Bar Hebraeus I.110.
42. Cook (1992); Cook in Motzki (2016), 217–241; Hoyland (1997), 333f.
43. Head (1972), 18.
44. There is some question as to how much initial say Justinian had in the naming of his son, for he was absent on his campaign to regain the throne in 704/705 when Theodora gave birth to Tiberios – the soon-to-be emperor again might have left instructions that should their child be male then he was to be named Tiberios, but it could also be that Theodora was showing some honour to the current emperor – Tiberius III Apsimar – to try to shield them from imperial attack in case Justinian was to fail in regaining the throne. It was certainly an unexpected bonus to be able to choose a name that had both Heraclian roots and honoured the usurper then sitting on the ‘Heraclian throne’.
45. Theophanes, Chron. AM6171, 6161, 6159–6160.
46. Kaegi (1981), 168
47. Haldon (2016), 153.
48. Kaegi (1981), 204.
49. Herrin in Bryer and Herrin (1975) 17.
50. Theophanes, Chron. AM6233.
51. Kaegi (1981), 237.
52. Kaegi (1981), 213.
53. Kaegi (1981), 202, 203.
54. Kaegi (1981), 203.
55. Kaegi (1981), 201.
56. Kaegi (1981), 190; Theophanes, Chron. AM6203; Nikephoros, Brev. 47.
57. Kaegi (1981), 207.
58. Kaegi (1981), 207–208.
Chapter 8: Deliberate Destruction of Icons?: Leonid Religious Policies
1. Brubaker (2012), xv
2. Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 2.
3. Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 5.
4. Brubaker (2012), xv.
5. Humphreys (2015), 267.
6. Huxley (1980), 189.
7. Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 4.
8. Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 2.
9. cf. Ladner (1953).
10. Tempera is use of water, oil or eggs to bind a pigment into an emulsion, while encaustic is the fusing of the pigment and wax to the surface through the application of heat.
11. There are numerous other Greek words for images and statues that could be considered ‘icons’ – andrias, bretas, hedos, hidruma, kolossos, xoanon (Bremner (2008), 2 n.5), but many of them refer to specific mediums.
12. Brubaker (2012), 1.
13. Humphreys (2011), 152.
14. Noble (2011), 69.
15. Brubaker (2012), 6.
16. Cf. Noble (2011), 69 on complaints and evidence presented at the Second Council of Nicaea in 787.
17. Kitzinger (1977) 104–105.
18. Cicero, de finibus 5.1.3 on Epicureans worshiping representations of Epicurus.
19. Cf. Barnard in Bryer and Herrin (1975), 13
20. Mansi II.11.36; cf. Vasiliev (1964), I.254.
21. Eusebius, HE VII.18.4.
22. Maas (1929–1930).
23. Reynolds (2017).
24. Little Iliad 4 (West (2003), 123); cf. Virgil, Aeneid II.163.
25. Brubaker (2012), 13.
26. Cf. Brubaker (2012), 14.
27. Brubaker (2012), 9.
28. Re-enacting an edict of Theodosius II; Breckenridge (1959), 82.
29. Head (1972), 77.
30. LP I.372.
31. Brubaker (2012), 17.
32. Samuelson (2016), 84.
33. Breckenridge (1959), 2.
34. Breckenridge (1959), 2, 83–86; Head (1972), 77; Grabar (1936); Ladner (1940); (1953); Kitzinger (1954).
35. Barnard in Bryer and Herrin (1975), 12.
36. Wickham (2009), 268.
37. Head (1972), 77; Kitzinger (1954), 120.
38. Von Grunebaum (1962), 1–10.
39. Brock in Bryer and Herrin (1975), 55.
40. Brubaker (2012), 16.
41. Brubaker (2012), 17.
42. Brubaker (2012), 19.
43. Depending on the division or denomination, ‘Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image’ is either the First (Catholicism, Lutheranism, Samaritan, Augustinian) or the Second (Septuagint, Talmudic, Reformed, Philonic) Commandment.
44. The recovery of Germanikeia by Constantine V in 746 likely aided the elevation of the idea of Leo’s divinely laid out path to imperial power.
45. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218; Theophanes, Chron. AM6233 also uses this term for Besr; it is also used at the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, while John of Damascus was anathematised as κακωνυμω και σαρακηνοφρονι at the Council of Hieria in 754. This use of the term derisively against both sides of the iconoclastic divide could suggest ‘that the term was simply one of abuse and did not refer to Muslim influence as a historical fact’ (Barnard (1974), 27) or could it be an abusive term that also had a specific meaning? Other prominent individuals of the iconoclastic era are claimed to have similar geographical origins to Leo, with Eutychius of Alexandria having Leo’s ally/son-in-law Artabasdos being from Mar’ash, while the Slavonic Life of Stephen of Suroz had the first iconoclastic patriarch, Anastasius, being of Syrian origin; Gero (1974b) 25.
46. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
47. Gero (1974b), 23–24.
48. Gero (1974b), 26.
49. Jeffery (1944), Gaudeul (1984); Kim (2017).
50. Kim (2017), 2.
51. Jeffery (1944), 269.
52. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215; Nikephoros, Anti. III PG100 528f; Mansi XIII.196 E-200; Vasiliev (1956), 27.
53. The date of Yazid’s iconoclastic edict is not the same in all sources; Vasiliev (1956), 47 considers July 721 the most likely, but as it is not thought to have lasted long, it was likely latter in Yazid’s reign; Sahner (2017).
54. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215.
55. Sahner (2017), 56.
56. Barnard (1974), 18 n.23; Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 105–117; Grabar in Bryer and Herrin (1975), 46.
57. Sahner (2017), 55.
58. Cf. Vasiliev (1956), 37–39.
59. Vasiliev (1956), 27–29 n.12.
60. Gero (1974a), 59–84, 189–198.
61. Qur’an V.92; Gero (1974b), 36–37.
62. Reynolds (2017), 62.
63. Gero (1974b), 37–38.
64. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215.
65. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215, 6216.
66. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215.
67. Boyce (1975).
68. Shenkar (2015), 492.
69. Vasiliev (1964), I.255.
70. Gero (1974b), 32; Kitizinger (1954), 131.
71. cf. Brock in Bryer and Herrin (1975).
72. Leo’s Isaurian successors, Constantine V and Leo IV, are claimed to have had some Monophysite sympathies, but it has been pointed out that Monophysite doctrine would allow for divine power permeating the matter of icons (cf. Gero (1974b), 33).
73. Alexander in Weitzmann (1955), 155–160; Alexander (1978), ch.7.
74. Garsoian (1971), 103; rejected by Gero (1974b), 34–35.
75. Brown (1973), 41.
76. Cf. Ladner (1940), 127–149.
77. Cf. Turner (1990), 421.
78. Vryonis (1971), 6–23 on the decline of Anatolian urbanism and Roman control being more an eleventh-century problem in the face of the Turks, rather than an eighth-century issue in the face of the Arabs.
79. Brown (1973), 31.
80. cf. Ahrweiler (1962), 27; (1966) 40–41.
81. Brown (1973), 41.
82. cf. Kaegi (1966), 48–70
83. Cheynet (2000) 281–322.
84. Mango in Bryer and Herrin (1975), 2.
85. Nikephoros, Brev. 59.
86. Theophanes, Chron. AM6210.
87. Nikephoros, Brev. 60.
88. Nikephoros, Brev. 59.
89. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
90. Theophanes, Chron. AM6217.
91. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
92. cf. Ostrogorsky (1930) and Ladner (1940).
93. Turtledove (1982), 95 n.187; cf. Anastos (1966), 61–104, 835–848; Anastos (1968) 5–41.
94. Anastos (1968) 8–10 on ‘order’; Ostrogorsky (1930), I.235–255; (1969) 162–164 on ‘discussion’.
95. Vita Stephani iun., PG 100: 1084C.
96. LP 91.16–17.
97. Gouillard (1968), 260; Mango and Scott (1997), 559 n.3.
98. Mango (1959), 112.
99. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
100. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218; Nikephoros, Brev. 60.
101. Ostrogorsky (1930) supports their authenticity.
102. Mango (1959), 114.
103. Mango (1959), 119, 112ff.
104. Cf. Mango (1959), 119.
105. Mango (1959), 171.
106. Theophanes, Chron. AM6221.
107. Auzepy (1990), 445–492.
108. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
109. Nikephoros, Brev. 61.
110. Mango and Scott (1997), 562 n.11.
111. Vita Willibaldi 101.25.
112. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
113. Nikephoros, Brev. 64; Theophanes, Chron. AM6233; Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 80f/156–159; Baldwin (1990), 428.
114. Zonaras XIV.20.2–3.
115. Barnard (1973), 15; cf. Justinian, Novel 6.
116. Gregory II, Ep. 13 – spurious letter?
117. Barnard (1973), 28.
118. Barnard (1973), 18–19.
119. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
120. Brubaker and Haldon (2011), 94–105.
121. Theophanes, Chron. AM6215; Ostrogorsky (1930), 236–237 on Constantine of Nakoleia being the main instigator of iconoclasm.
122. Brubaker (2012), 23–24.
123. Cf. Theophanes, Chron. AM6218.
124. Elsner (2012), 386.
