Delphi complete works of.., p.390
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius, page 390
V
And when he returned to Carthage, he put all the Vandals in readiness, so that at the opening of spring he might send them to Byzantium; and he sent out an army to recover for the Romans everything which the Vandals ruled. And first he sent Cyril to Sardinia with a great force, having the head of Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing to yield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and thinking that what had been told them as having happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And he ordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army to Corsica, and to recover for the Roman empire the island, which had been previously subject to the Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early times, and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to Sardinia and displayed the head of Tzazon to the inhabitants of the place, and he won back both the islands and made them tributary to the Roman domain. And to Caesarea in Mauretania Belisarius sent John with an infantry company which he usually commanded himself; this place is distant from Carthage a journey of thirty days for an unencumbered traveller, as one goes towards Gadira and the west; and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great and populous city from ancient times. Another John, one of his own guardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the strait and by one of the Pillars of Heracles, to take possession of the fort there which they call “Septem.” And to the islands which are near the strait where the ocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and Minorica by the natives, he sent Apollinarius, who was a native of Italy, but had come while still a lad to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great sums of money by Ilderic, who was then leader of the Vandals, and after Ilderic had been removed from the office and was in confinement, as has been told in the previous narrative, he came to the Emperor Justinian with the other Libyans who were working in the interest of Ilderic, in order to entreat his favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Roman expedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and proved himself a brave man in this war and most of all at Tricamarum. And as a result of his deeds there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And later Belisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to Pudentius and Tattimuth, who were being pressed by the Moors there, and thus strengthened the Roman power in that quarter.
He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take the fortress in Lilybaeum, as belonging to the Vandals’ kingdom, but he was repulsed from there, since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part of Sicily, on the ground that this fortress did not belong to the Vandals at all. And when Belisarius heard this, he wrote to the commanders who were there as follows: “You are depriving us of Lilybaeum, the fortress of the Vandals who are the slaves of the emperor, and are not acting justly nor in a way to benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring upon your ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant from the scene of these actions, the hostility of the great emperor, whose good-will he has, having won it with great labour. And yet how could you but seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it you recently allowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but have decided to wrest from the emperor, Gelimer’s master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least, should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect that, while it is the nature of friendship to cover over many faults, hostility does not brook even the smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for every offence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on what does not in the least belong to them. Moreover, the enemy fights to avenge the wrongs which it says have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, if friendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle, it suffers no loss of its own possessions, yet if it succeeds, it teaches the vanquished to take a new view of the indulgence which has been shewn them in the past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further harm nor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make the great emperor an enemy to the Gothic nation, when it is your prayer that he be propitious toward you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this fortress, war will confront you immediately, and not for Lilybaeum alone, but for all the possessions you claim as yours, though not one of them belongs to you.”
Such was the message of the letter. And the Goths reported these things to the mother of Antalaric, and at her direction made the following reply: “The letter which you have written, most excellent Belisarius, carries sound admonition, but pertinent to some other men, not to us the Goths. For there is nothing of the Emperor Justinian’s which we have taken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do such a thing! The whole of Sicily we claim because it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeum is one of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his sister, who was the consort of the king of the Vandals, one of the trading-ports of Sicily for her use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford a basis for any claim on your part. But you, O General, would be acting justly toward us, if you should be willing to make the settlement of the matters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but as a friend. And there is this difference, that friends are accustomed to settle their disagreements by arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore, shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to arbitrate in whatever manner seems to him lawful and just. And we desire that the decisions you make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as hasty as possible, and that you, therefore, await the decision of your emperor.” Such was the message of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius, reporting all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor should send him word what his wish was.
Φάρας δὲ τῇ προσεδρείᾳ ἤδη ἄλλως τε κ̣̣̔̓ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ ἀχθόμενος, ἅμα δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἰ μενος οἵους τε εἶναι τοὺς ἐκείνῃ Μαυρουσίὁ̣̣̓ ἐμποδὼν σφίσι στήσεσθαι, τῇ ἐς Παπούαν ἀν̣̣̔̓ βάσει ξὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἐπεχείρησεν. ἅπαντ̣̣̔̓ μὲν οὖν εὖ μάλα ἐξοπλίσας τοὺς ἑπομένους ἀν βαινε. [2] βεβοηθηκότων δὲ τῶν Μαυρουσίων ἅτε ῾̣̣̓ χωρίῳ ἀνάντει τε καὶ λίαν δυσβάτῳ, ἡ κωλύμ̣̣̔̓ εὐπετῶς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνιόντας ἐγίνετο. [3] καρτερῶς ῾̣̣̓ τοῦ Φάρα βιαζομένου τὴν ἄνοδον, δέκα μὲν κ̣̣̔̓ ἑκατὸν τῶν ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ ἀπ θανον, αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἐπιλοίποις ἀποκρουσθε ἀνεχώρησε, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἀποπειράσασθαι μ̣̣̔̓ τῆς ἀνόδου, ἀντιστατοῦντος τοῦ πράγματος, οὐ̣̣̔̓ έτι ἐτόλμα, φυλακὴν δὲ κατεσπουδας μένην, ῾̣̣̓ ἔνι μάλιστα, κατεστήσατο, ὅπως οἱ πιεζόμεν τῷ λιμῷ οἱ ἐν Παπούᾳ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρισειαν καὶ οὔτε ἀποδιδράσκειν αὐτοῖς ἐνεδίδου οὔτε τ̣̣̔̓ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐς αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι. [4] ἔνθα δὴ τῷ τ̣̣̔̓ Γελίμερι καὶ τοῖς ἀμφ̓ αὐτὸν ἀδελφιδοῖς τε καὶ ἀνεψιαδοῖς οὖσι καὶ ἄλλοις εὖ γεγονόσι ξυνέπες῾̣̣̓ κακοπαθείᾳ χρῆσθαι ἥν, ὅπως ποτὲ εἴποι τις, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως τοῖς πράγμασι φράζοι. [5] ἐθνῶν γὰρ ἁπάντων ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν ἁβρότατον μὲν τὸ τῶν Βανδίλων, ταλαιπωρότατον δὲ τὸ Μαυρουσίων τετύχηκεν εἶναι. [6] οἱ μὲν γάρ, ἐξ ὅτου Λιβύην ἔσχον, βαλανείοις τε οἱ ξύμπαντες ἐπεχρῶντο ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην καὶ τραπέζῃ ἅπασιν εὐθηνούσῃ ὅσα δὴ γῆ τε καὶ θάλασσα ἥδιστά τε καὶ ἄριστα φέρει. [7] ἐχρυσοφόρουν δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ Μηδικὴν ἐσθῆτα, ἣν νῦν Σηρικὴν καλοῦσιν, ἀμπεχόμενοι, ἔν τε θεάτροις καὶ ἱπποδρομίοις καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ εὐπαθείᾳ, καὶ πάντων μάλιστα κυνηγεσίοις τὰς διατριβὰς ἐποιοῦντο. [8] καὶ σφίσιν ὀρχησταὶ καὶ μῖμοι ἀκούσματά τε συχνὰ καὶ θεάματα ἦν, ὅσα μουσικά τε καὶ ἄλλως ἀξιοθέατα ξυμβαίνἑ̣̣̓ ἐν ἀνθρώποις εἶναι. [9] καὶ ᾤκηντο μὲν αὐτῶν ὁ̣̣̓ πολλοὶ ἐν παραδείσοις, ὑδάτων καὶ δένδρων εὖ ἔχουσι: ξυμπόσια δὲ ὅτι πλεῖστα ἐποίουν, καὶ ἔργα τὰ ἀφροδίσια πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐν μελέτῃ πολλῇ ἤσκητο. [10] Μαυρούσιοι δὲ οἰκοῦσι μὲν ἐν πνιγηραῖς καλύβαις, χειμῶνί τε καὶ θέρους ὥρᾳ καὶ ἄλλῳ τῷ ξύμπαντι χρόνῳ, οὔτε χιόσιν οὔτε ἡλίου θέρμῃ ἐνθένδε οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν ἀναγκαίῳ κακῷ ἐξιστάμενοι. [11] καθεύδουσι δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κώδιον οἱ εὐδαίμονες αὑτοῖς, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ὑποστρωννύντες. [12] ἱμάτια δὲ σφίσιν οὐ ξυμμεταβάλλειν ταῖς ὥραις νόμος, ἀλλὰ τριβώνιόν τε ἁδρὸν καὶ χιτῶνα τραχὺν ἐς καιρὸν ἅπαντα ἐνδιδύσκονται. [13] ἔχουσι δὲ οὔτε ἄρτον οὔτε οἶνον οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἀγαθόν, ἀλλὰ τὸν σῖτον, ἢ τὰς ὀλύρας τε καὶ κριθάς, οὔτε ἕψοντες οὔτε ἐς ἄλευρα ἢ ἄλφιτα ἀλοῦντες οὐδὲν ἀλλοιότερον ἢ τὰ ἄλλα ζῷα ἐσθίουσι [14] τοιούτοις δὴ οὖσι τοῖς Μαυρουσίοις οἱ ἀμφὶ τὃ̣̣̓ Γελίμερα συχνὸν ξυνοικήσαντες χρόνον τήν τε ξυνειθισμένην αὐτοῖς δίαιταν ἐς τοῦτο ταλαιπωρίας μεταβαλόντες, ἐπειδὴ καὶ αὐτὰ σφᾶς τὰ ἀναγκαῖα ἤδη ἐπιλελοίπει, οὐκέτι ἀντεῖχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τεθνάναι αὐτοῖς ἥδιστον καὶ τὸ δουλεύειν ἥκιστα αἰσχρὸν ἐνομίζετο. [15] Ὧν δὴ Φάρας αἰσθόμενος γράφει πρὸς Γελίμερα τάδε: ‘Εἰμὶ μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς βάρβαρος καὶ γραμμάτων τε καὶ λόγων οὔτε ἐθὰς οὔτε ἄλλως ἔμπειρος γέγονα. [16] ὅσα δέ με ἄνθρωπον ὄντ̣̣̔̓ εἰδέναι ἀνάγκη, ἐκ τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων φύσεως ἐκμαθὼν ἔγραψα. [17] τί ποτε ἄρα πεπονθώς, ὦ φίλ̣̣̔̓ Γελίμερ, οὐ σαυτὸν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπαν τ̣̣̔̓ σὸν γένος ἐς τὸ βάραθρον τοῦτο ἐμβέβληκας ὅπως δηλαδὴ μὴ γένοιο δοῦλος; [18] πάντως γάρ ς῾̣̣̓ καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι τοῦτο οἶμαι, καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίἁ̣̣̓ προΐσχεσθαι, ὡς δὴ ἅπαντα ταύτης τὰ μοχθηῥ̣̣̓ ἀνταλλάσσεσθαι ἄξιον. [19] εἶτα νῦν Μαυρουσίὡ̣̣̓ τοῖς γε ἀτυχεστάτοις οὐκ οἴει δουλεύειν, ὃς τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ σώζεσθαι, ἢν τὰ κράτιστα φέρῃ, ἐπ αὐτοῖς ἔχεις; [20] καίτοι πῶς ἂν οὐχὶ τῷ παντ ἄμεινον εἴη δουλεύειν ἐν Ῥωμαίοις πτωχεύοντα ῾̣̣̓ τυραννεῖν ἐν Παπούᾳ τε καὶ Μαυρουσίοις; [21] πάν τως δέ σοι καὶ τὸ ξυνδούλῳ Βελισαρίῳ εἶνα ὑπερβολή τις ὕβρεως φαίνεται. [22] ἄπαγε, ὦ βέλ τιστε Γελίμερ. ἢ οὐ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐξ εὐπατριδῶν γεγονότες βασιλεῖ νῦν ὑπηρετεῖν αὐχοῦμεν; κα μὴν λέγουσιν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ βουλομέν̣̣̔̓ εἶναι ἔς τε βουλὴν ἀνάγραπτόν σε ποιήσασθαι τιμῆς μεταλαχόντα τῆς ἀνωτάτω, ἣν δὴ πατρι κίων καλοῦσι, καὶ χώρᾳ πολλῇ τε καὶ ἀγαθῇ κα χρήμασι μεγάλοις δωρήσασθαι, Βελισάριόν τ ἐθέλειν ἀναδέχεσθαι πάντα ταῦτα ἔσεσθαί σὁ̣̣̓ πίστεις διδόντα. [23] σὺ δὲ ὅσα μὲν ἡ τύχη μοχθηρ ἤνεγκε, φέρειν γενναίως οἷός τε εἶ πάντα τ ἐνθένδε ἀνθρώπῳ γε ὄντι ἀναγκαῖα εἶναι οἰόμενὁ̣̣̓ [24] ἢν δέ τινι ἀγαθῷ τὰ δυσχερῆ ταῦτα ξυγκερἁ̣̣̓ νύειν βεβούλευται, τοῦτο δὲ αὐτὸς ἐθελούσἱ̣̣̓ δέξασθαι οὐκ ἂν ἀξιοίης; ἢ οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς φλἁ̣̣̓ ροις ἀναγκαῖά γε ἡμῖν καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῆς τύχ̣̣̔̓ ἀγαθὰ λογιστέον; ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐδὲ τὁ̣̣̓ σφόδρα ἀνοήτοις δοκεῖ. [25] σοὶ δὲ νῦν μὲν βεβαπτἱ̣̣̓ μένῳ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς, ἀξυνέτῳ, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, σὑ̣̣̓ βαίνει εἶναι: [26] ἀθυμία γὰρ ἐκπλήξασα εἰς ἀβουλἵ̣̣̓ τρέπεσθαι πέφυκεν: ἢν δὲ φέρειν τὴν διάνοἱ̣̣̓ τὴν σαυτοῦ δύναιο καὶ μὴ πρὸς τύχην μεταβαλ̣̣̔̓ λομένην ἀγανακτεῖν, παρέσται σοι αὐτίκα ῾̣̣̓ μάλα τά τε ξύμφορα ἑλέσθαι ἅπαντα καὶ τ̣̣̔̓ ἐπικειμένων ἀπηλλάχθαι κακῶν.’ [27] Ταῦτα Γελίμερ τὰ γράμματα ἀναλεξάμενος ἀποκλαύσας τε δεινῶς ἀντέγραψεν ὧδε: ‘Καὶ τῆς ξυμβουλῆς ἥν μοι ἐποιήσω πολλὴν ἔχω σοι χάριν καὶ πολεμίῳ ἀδικοῦντι δουλεύειν οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν οἶμαι, παῤ οὗ ἂν δίκην εὐξαίμην λαβεῖν, εἴ μοι ὁ θεὸς ἵλεως εἴη, ὅς γε οὐδὲν πώποτε ἄχαρι πρὸς ἐμοῦ οὔτε ἔργῳ παθὼν οὔτε λόγῳ ἀκούσας πολέμῳ μὲν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἔχοντι παρέσχετο σκῆψιν, ἐμὲ δὲ ἐς τοῦτο μετήνεγκε τύχης, Βελισάριον οὐκ οἶδα ὅθεν ἐπενεγκών. [28] καίτοι καὶ αὐτῷ ἀνθρώπῳ γ̣̣̔̓ ὄντι, καὶ βασιλεῖ οὐδὲν ἀπεικὸς ξυμβήσεσθαί τ̣̣̔̓ ὧν οὐκ ἂν ἕλοιτο. [29] ἐγὼ μέντοι περαιτέρω τ̣̣̔̓ γράφειν οὐκ ἔχω. ἀφείλετο γάρ με τὴν ἔννοιαν ἡ παροῦσα τύχη. [30] ἀλλὰ χαῖρέ μοι, ῾̣̣̓ φίλε Φάρα, καί μοι κιθάραν τε καὶ ἄρτον [31] ἕνα καὶ σπόγγον δεομένῳ πέμπε.’ ταῦτα ἐπἑ̣̣̓ ἀπενεχθέντα ὁ Φάρας ἔγνω, χρόνον δή τινα διηπορεῖτο τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τὸ ἀκροτελεύτιον συμβαλεῖν οὐκ ἔχων, ἕως οἱ ὁ ταύτην κομίσας ἔφρασεν ὡς ἄρτου μὲν ἑνὸς δέοιτο Γελίμερ, ἐπιθυμῶν ἐς θέαν τε αὐτοῦ ἀφικέσθαι καὶ βρῶσιν, ἐπεὶ ἐξ οὗ ἐς Παπούαν ἀναβέβηκεν, οὐδένα που ἄρτον ὠπτημένον εἶδε. [32] σπόγγος δέ οἱ ἀναγκαῖος εἴη τοῖν γάρ οἱ ὀφθαλμοῖν ἅτερος, τραχυνόμενος τ̣̣̔̓ ἀλουσίᾳ, ἐς ἄγαν ἐπῆρται. [33] κιθαριστῇ δὲ ἀγαθῷ ὄντι ᾠδή τις αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμφορὰν τὴν παροῦσαν πεποίηται, ἣν δὴ πρὸς κιθάραν θρηνῆσαί τε κα ἀποκλαῦσαι ἐπείγεται. [34] ταῦτα ἀκούσας Φάρἁ̣̣̓ περιαλγήσας τε καὶ τύχην τὴν ἀνθρωπείαν ἀπο λοφυράμενος κατὰ τὰ γεγραμμένα ἐποίει κα πάντα ἔπεμπεν ὅσων αὐτοῦ ἔχρῃζε Γελίμερ. τῆς μέντοι προσεδρείας οὐδὲν μεθιεὶς ἐφύλασσε μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον.
