Delphi complete works of.., p.496
Delphi Complete Works of Procopius, page 496
XXXII
SUCH then were the relations of the emperor to Artabanes and to Germanus. There was also a certain Arsaces in Byzantium, an Armenian by birth and one of the Arsacidae, related to Artabanes by blood. This man had been detected not long before this in an attempt to harm the state, and he had been clearly convicted of treason, since he was negotiating with Chosroes, the Persian king, to stir up trouble for the Romans. But the emperor did him no further harm than to beat his back with not many blows and parade him through the city mounted on a camel; however, he did him no injury in either his person or his property, nor did he even penalize him by exile. But Arsaces was nevertheless incensed at what had taken place, and began to devise treacherous plans against both Justinian and the state. And when he saw that Artabanes, as his kinsman, was sharing his vexation, he began to stir him up still more, and, gaining the man’s attention by crafty speeches, he ceased not day nor night to upbraid him, rebuking him for having been both courageous and faint-hearted out of season. For he had, on the one hand, given proof of his nobility of spirit in his attitude toward the misfortunes of others, in that he had put an end to the tyranny; indeed, though Gontharis was his friend and his host, he had laid hold of him with his own hand and slain him under no compulsion whatever. But at the present juncture, he said, he was utterly cowed, and he continued to sit there without a spark of manhood, though his fatherland was kept under strictest guard and exhausted by unwonted taxes, his father had been slain on the pretext of a treaty and covenant, and his whole family had been enslaved and was kept scattered to every corner of the Roman empire. But in spite of these facts Artabanes thought it sufficient for him to be a general of the Romans and merely bear the name of consul. “And you,” he said, “do not share my sorrow in the least, though I am your kinsman and have suffered outrageous treatment, while I, for my part, pity you, my dear fellow, for the fortune you have suffered in the case of both those women, not only the one you have been cheated of wrongfully but also the other with whom you have been compelled to live. And yet it ill becomes anyone who has even a little spirit in him to refuse to undertake the murder of Justinian, nor should he hesitate nor entertain any fear, — a man who always sits unguarded in some lobby to a late hour of the night, eagerly unrolling the Christian scriptures in company with priests who are at the extremity of old age. Furthermore,” he continued, “not one of the kinsmen of Justinian will oppose you. Indeed the most powerful of them all, Germanus, will, I believe, assist you with all his heart and his sons as well, seeing that they are young men and consequently boiling with fury against him; and I am in hopes that these men will actually carry through the enterprise of their own accord. For they have already suffered injustice at his hand such as neither we nor anyone else among the Armenians has suffered.” By such speeches Arsaces ever sought to cast a spell over Artabanes, and as soon as ever he saw him beginning to yield, he carried the matter to another Persarmenian, Chanaranges by name. Now this Chanaranges was a young man who, though comely of person, was not a man of serious character, but childish to an extraordinary degree.
So when Arsaces had brought him and Artabanes into mutual agreement, both in their thinking and in their speaking, he departed, promising to make Germanus and his sons of the same mind with them in regard to the undertaking. Now Justinus, the elder of the sons of Germanus, was a youth wearing his first beard, but an energetic fellow and unusually keen in action; indeed, as a result of these qualities, he had actually risen to the dignity of the consular chair not long before. Accordingly, Arsaces approached him and said that he wished to speak with him secretly in some sanctuary. When they had both entered the church, Arsaces first required Justinus to affirm on oath that he would never report their conversation to any man in the whole world, except his father alone. And after the man had sworn to this effect, he took him to task, because, on the one hand, he, a very close relative of the emperor, saw other men holding the offices of the state, common plebeian fellows with no claim to such distinction, while he himself, on the other hand, though he was now of such age that he was entitled to manage his own affairs, paid no heed to the fact that not only he himself, but also his father, and that, too, in spite of his high achievements, and his brother Justinian had to sit for ever in the place of private citizens. Nay more, he had not even been allowed to enter into the property of his uncle, to which he and no other had been heir as far as concerned the purpose of Boraides, but the greater part of it had been unjustly wrested from him. Still it was probable that they would be still further humiliated forthwith, as soon as Belisarius should arrive from Italy; for he was reported to be already somewhere in the heart of Illyricum. After such an introduction Arsaces sought to impel the youth to take part in the plot against the emperor, disclosing to him the agreement reached between himself, Artabanes and Chanaranges in regard to this business. Upon hearing this Justinus was greatly agitated and his head swam, but he told Arsaces flatly that neither he himself nor his father Germanus could ever do these things.
Then, while Arsaces reported to Artabanes what had happened, Justinus referred the whole matter to his father. He thereupon conferred with Marcellus, the commander of the palace guards, and they took the question under consideration whether it was advisable for them to report this matter to the emperor. Now this Marcellus was a man of very great dignity who observed silence in most matters, neither doing anything for the sake of money nor tolerating buffoonery in word or deed nor taking any pleasure in other forms of relaxation, but always living a kind of austere life to which pleasure was strange; but at the same time he was scrupulous in his observance of justice and a most ardent lover of truth. So he naturally would not on that occasion allow the report to be carried to the emperor. “For as for you,” he said, “it is inexpedient that you should carry information of this thing. For if you should wish to say anything to the emperor in secret, Artabanes and his friends will straightway become suspicious that the matter has been denounced, and, if perchance Arsaces is able to escape unnoticed, the charge will remain unproved. And I, on the other hand, am not at all accustomed either to believe myself or to report to the emperor anything which I have not thoroughly verified. It is my desire, consequently, either that I hear the words with my own ears or that one of my intimates, by your contriving, hear the man saying something unmistakably clear about these matters.” When Germanus heard this, he bade his son Justinus arrange that the requirement of Marcellus should be carried out. He, however, was no longer able to say anything about this matter to Arsaces, since he had, as stated above, given him a flat refusal. Still he did enquire of Chanaranges whether Arsaces had recently approached him at the suggestion of Artabanes. “For I,” he said, “should never have had the courage to entrust any of my secrets to him, seeing he is such a man as he is. But if you should be willing yourself to tell me something to the point, we could, by deliberating in common, perhaps accomplish something really worth while.” Chanaranges then conferred with Artabanes about this and reported to Justinus each and every thing which Arsaces had previously told him.
Then, since Justinus agreed both to carry out everything himself and to bring his father to agreement with them, it was decided that Chanaranges should meet Germanus in conference, and a definite day was appointed for the interview. Germanus reported this to Marcellus and requested him to provide them one of his intimates who should hear with his own ears the words of Chanaranges. And he provided Leontius, the son-in-law of Athanasius, a man who had strict regard for justice and thoroughly capable of speaking the truth. This man Germanus introduced into his house and placed in a room where a thick curtain had been hung to conceal the couch on which he was accustomed to dine. And he hid Leontius inside this curtain, while he himself with his son Justinus remained outside. When Chanaranges came there, Leontius clearly heard him say everything which he, Artabanes, and Arsaces had planned. Among these things this too was mentioned, that, if they killed the emperor while Belisarius was still on the way to Byzantium, their purpose would not be advanced at all; for, though they might wish to establish Germanus on the throne, it was probable that Belisarius would gather a vast army from the towns of Thrace, and they would be unable by any device to repulse the man when he came against them in this way. It would consequently be necessary to postpone the execution of the plan until Belisarius should be present, but as soon as the man should reach Byzantium and should be closeted with the emperor in the palace, then, at some time late in the evening, they should go there unexpectedly, armed with daggers, and kill Marcellus and Belisarius as well as the emperor. For such a course of action would enable them thereafter to make such dispositions as they wished without fear.
Even when Marcellus learned this from Leontius, he could not as yet make up his mind to report the matter to the emperor, being, as he was, still very reluctant to act, lest by excessive haste he should doom Artabanes on imperfect evidence. Germanus, however, revealed everything to Bouzes and Constantianus, fearing, as actually happened, that some suspicion would attach to him as a result of the delay.
Many days later, when word came that Belisarius was now close at hand, Marcellus reported the whole matter to the emperor, who immediately commanded Artabanes and his associates to be taken off to prison, entrusting to some of his officers the duty of torturing them. And when the whole conspiracy had now come to light and was clearly set down in writing, the emperor called a session of all the members of the senate in the palace, where they are accustomed to make their decisions regarding matters in dispute. When they had read over everything which had been stated by the men under examination, they nevertheless sought to involve Germanus and his son Justinus in the accusation, until Germanus, by presenting the testimony of Marcellus and Leontius, succeeded in clearing himself of the suspicion. For these men, as well as Constantianus and Bouzes, declared under oath that Germanus had concealed from them nothing whatever as far as concerned these matters, but that everything had happened as I have just related. The senators, consequently, straightway acquitted both him and his son unanimously as having committed no offence against the state.
But when all had gone within to the emperor’s apartment, the emperor himself, who had become violently angry, began to complain and to speak with the greatest bitterness against Germanus, blaming him for the tardiness of his disclosure, and two of the officials, courting his favour, agreed with his opinion and seemed to share his displeasure. In this way they greatly increased the emperor’s anger, eager as they were to be complacent to him in matters involving other men’s misfortunes. But the others, cowed by fear, remained silent, yielding to him by not opposing his wish; Marcellus alone, however, by speaking with plain directness succeeded in saving the man. For taking the blame upon himself and speaking with all the emphasis in his power, he said that German us, for his part, had told him most seasonably what was going on, but that he himself, making a very careful and detailed investigation, had reported the matter more deliberately. And in this way he allayed the emperor’s anger. So Marcellus won for himself great renown from this incident among all men, as one who in a moment of the gravest peril shewed his sterling quality. And the Emperor Justinian removed Artabanes from the office he held, but he did him no harm, nor in fact any one of the others, beyond keeping them all under guard without dishonour — in the palace, however, not in the public prison.
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦ πολέμου τόνδε κύριοι τῆς ἑσπερίας οἱ βάρβαροι διαρρήδην ἐγένοντο πάσης. τοῖς τε Ῥωμαίοις ὁ Γοτθικὸς πόλεμος, καίπερ τὰ πρῶτα κατὰ κράτος νενικηκόσιν, ὥσπερ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, ἐς τοῦτο ἀπεκρίθη, ὥστε οὐχ ὅσον σφίσι χρήματα καὶ σώματα ἐπ̓ οὐδεμιᾷ ὀνήσει διεφθάρθαι πολλά, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἰταλίαν προσαπολέσθαι, καὶ Ἰλλυριούς τε καὶ Θρᾷκας σχεδόν τι ξύμπαντας ἐπιδεῖν πρὸς τῶν βαρβάρων ἅτε ὁμόρων γεγενημένων δηιουμένους τε καὶ διαφθειρομένους οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ. ἐγένετο δὲ ὧδε. [2] Γαλλίας μὲν ὅλας τὰς σφίσι κατηκόους κατ̓ ἀρχὰς τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου Γερμανοῖς ἔδοσαν Γότθοι, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι πρὸς ἑκατέρους ἀντιτάξασθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι, ὥσπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐρρήθη. [3] ταύτην τε τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐχ ὅπως οὐ διακωλύειν Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐπέρρωσε σφίσι, τοῦ μή τί οὶ ἐναντίωμα τούτων δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐκπεπολεμωμένων ὑπαντιάσαι. [4] οὐ γάρ ποτε ᾤοντο Γαλλίας ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ κεκτῆσθαι Φράγγοι, μὴ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὸ ἔργον ἐπισφραγίσαντος τοῦτό γε. καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ οἱ Γερμανῶν ἄρχοντες Μασαλίαν τε τὴν Φωκαέων ἀποικίαν καὶ ξύμπαντα τὰ ἐπιθαλάσσια χωρία ἔσχον, θαλάσσης τε τῆς ἐκείνῃ ἐκράτησαν. [5] καὶ κάθηνται μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀρελάτῳ τὸν ἱππικὸν ἀγῶνα θεώμενοι, νόμισμα δὲ χρυσοῦν ἐκ τῶν ἐν Γάλλοις μετάλλων πεποίηνται, οὐ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος, ᾗπερ εἴθισται, χαρακτῆρα ἐνθέμενοι τῷ στατῆρι τούτῳ, [6] ἀλλὰ τὴν σφετέραν αὐτῶν εἰκόνα. καίτοι νόμισμα μὲν ἀργυροῦν ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ᾗ βούλοιτο ποιεῖν εἴωθε, χαρακτῆρα δὲ ἴδιον ἐμβαλέσθαι στατῆρι χρυσῷ οὔτε αὐτὸν θέμις οὔτε δὲ ἄλλον ὁντιναοῦν βασιλέα τῶν πάντων βαρβάρων, καὶ ταῦτα μᾶλλον ὄντα χρυσοῦ κύριον, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ τοῖς ξυμβάλλουσι προΐεσθαι τὸ νόμισμα τοῦτο οἷοί τέ εἰσιν, εἰ καὶ βαρβάρους τοὺς ξυμβάλλοντας εἶναι ξυμβαίνει. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τῇδε Φράγγοις ἐχώρησεν. [7] Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ Γότθων τε καὶ Τουτίλα καθυπέρτερα τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγένετο, Φράγγοι Βενετίων τὰ πλεῖστα σφίσι προσεποιήσαντο οὐδενὶ λόγῳ, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων δυναμένων ἔτι ἀμύνεσθαι οὔτε Γότθων οἵων τε ὄντων τὸν πόλεμον πρὸς ἑκατέρους διενεγκεῖν. [8] Γήπαιδες δὲ πόλιν τε Σίρμιον καὶ Δακίας ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἁπάσας καταλαβόντες ἔσχον, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα βασιλεὺς αὐτὰς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἀφείλετο Γότθους: ἐξηνδραπόδισάν τε τοὺς ταύτῃ Ῥωμαίους, ἔτι μέντοι ἐπίπροσθεν ἀεὶ ὁδῷ ἰόντες ἐληΐζοντο βιαζόμενοι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν. [9] διὸ δὴ βασιλεὺς αὐτοῖς τὰς συντάξεις οὐκέτι ἐδίδου, ἅσπερ εἴθιστο σφᾶς ἀνέκαθεν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων κομίζεσθαι. [10] Λαγγοβάρδας δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς ἐδωρήσατο Νωρικῷ τε πόλει καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ Παννονίας ὀχυρώμασί τε καὶ ἄλλοις χωρίοις πολλοῖς καὶ χρήμασι μεγάλοις ἄγαν. [11] διά τοι τοῦτο ἐξ ἠθῶν τῶν πατρίων Λαγγοβάρδαι ἐξαναστάντες ἐνθένδε ποταμοῦ Ἴστρου ἱδρύσαντο, [12] Γηπαίδων οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν Δαλμάτας τε καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς μέχρι τῶν Ἐπιδάμνου ὁρίων ληϊσάμενοι ἠνδραπόδισαν, ἐπειδή τε τῶν τινες αἰχμαλώτων ἐνθένδε φυγόντες οἴκαδε ἀποκομίζεσθαι ἴσχυσαν, περιιόντες τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι ἅτε Ῥωμαίοις ἔνσπονδοι ὄντες ἤν τινας τῶν ἀποδράντων ἐπιγνοῖεν ἐνταῦθα, ὥσπερ ἀνδραπόδων οἰκείων δεδραπετευκότων ἐπελαμβάνοντο, τῶν τε γειναμένων ἀφέλκοντες ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξὺν αὑτοῖς ἐκομίζοντο, οὐδενὸς σφίσιν ἀντιστατοῦντος. [13] καὶ ἄλλα μέντοι Δακίας χωρία δόντος βασιλέως Ἔρουλοι ἔσχον ἀμφὶ πόλιν Σιγγιδόνον, οὗ δὴ ἵδρυνται νῦν, Ἰλλυριούς τε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία καταθέοντες καὶ ληϊζόμενοι ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται γεγένηνται ἐν τοῖς φοιδεράτοις καλουμένοις ταττόμενοι. [14] ἡνίκα οὖν Ἐρούλων ἐς Βυζάντιον πρέσβεις σταλεῖεν, τούτων δὴ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἳ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων κατηκόους ληΐζονται, τὰς συντάξεις ἁπάσας πρὸς βασιλέως κεκομισμένοι πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀπαλλάσσονται.
